“I don’t want to be the mouse that freezes when it sees a snake.”
… Let me start at the beginning.
My Tunisian colleagues and I were huddled around a small table, sipping hot coffee in a crowded shop on Bourgeiba Street in Tunis, discussing the breathtaking developments in the country. We were interrupted several times by a few hundred young demonstrators who were making sure that their voices were heard as Tunisia’s future is being decided. Their newly found freedoms were in unmistakable display and the energy level of the youth was evidence of pent-up frustration and anger over the past fused with hope for the future.
These young men and women will need time and education to fully understand that it is not the government that will respond to their demands and provide them with jobs. Rather, it is a healthy, corruption-free environment for investment and a private sector that is willing to take the risks to invest in small and medium-sized businesses, which will in turn generate the high-value jobs that the youth covet.
In any case, it was heartwarming and encouraging to see youth able to express themselves with vociferous vigor and experience first-hand older political leaders able to openly discuss with me their political positions and ideas of how Tunisia should be reformed.
When the decibel level of the chants was low enough for us to hear each other, the Tunisians and I got back to our discussion. As many conversations among Tunisians and internationals invariably do, this one eventually turned to the subject of the Islamists’ role in Tunisia and how strong it will be in the country’s future.
Al Nahdha, the main Islamist political movement in the country, is moderate by most accounts yet had been banned by the Ben Ali regime. Its leader Rachid Ghannouchi recently returned to the country and the party has applied for official registration. Most international media have commented on the perceived danger of Al Nahdha taking over in a political competition, as it is the most organized in a field of amateur political parties.
One of the Tunisians at the table – a former Marxist and now staunchly secular and significantly left-of-center on the Tunisian political spectrum, which itself is already to the left – took a deep drag of his cigarette and said: “I don’t want to be the mouse that freezes when it sees a snake!”
My inquisitive stare prompted an explanation. “The Western media is fixated on the issue of Islamism but we’re more pragmatic! We know that they will have a role in the future of the country. In a free and fair election they will gain their natural size that represents their audience in the country. We expect that to translate into perhaps 400,000 to 500,000 votes. There will be six million voters in Tunisia and 96 percent of them will vote. They feel empowered and will want to participate in the democratic process. Our energy should be harnessed into getting most of these voters and not into worrying how many Al Nahdha will get!”
Perhaps the new political leadership in Tunisia is more mature than analysts give them credit for.
END QUOTE:
“The gift of liberty is like that of a horse, handsome, strong and high-spirited. In some it arouses a wish to ride; in many others, on the contrary, it increases the urge to walk.”
Massimo d’Azeglio